Just liked the photo - and there's no copyright
France, yet again, is in the grip of turmoil between government and unions. When governments talk of reform in France, they vaguely hope to make the country economically more viable, more attractive to investors, less a pays poubelle that is so used to living beyond its means that it can see no alternative. For the unions, reform is higher pay, even shorter hours, ever stronger protection for employees (unfortunately not a combination that appeals greatly to business).
I instinctively support unions when in legitimate dispute. Political strikes trouble me; a nominally socialist government is running out of time, both in the presidency and parliament. If the CGT and other unions dislike their policies and laws, there are elections coming up next year. I strongly suspect a lot of their members will be pleased with the support they're getting from the odious far right.
Unions and I also fall out when they and/or their members act as if under no civic obligation to obey laws against violence, criminal damage including arson and intimidation. And that's all before even mentioning the CGT's unforgivable attacks on an already enfeebled press.
Against that, Francois Hollande's government has handled the contentious "loi du travail" abysmally and is hugely responsible for the ensuing chaos. Here are some more thoughts on the subject* ...
In times of war, most people side loyally with their countries of birth or adoption.
But the lines between support and disapproval become blurred when non-mortal conflict occurs in everyday life. Such is the case in France, where public opinion is sharply divided on a battle between trade unions and government on reforms to labour law.
The language used on both sides draws heavily on hyperbole, not so far removed from the extravagant terminology of war. While the government talks of unwarranted attacks on the French economy with consumers and business held hostage, strikers dip into the glossary of class warfare, glorying in each success as they try to force the country to its knees. And both sides adopt the mantra of “no surrender".
Amid the rhetoric, interestingly, familiar tribal battle lines are not necessarily observed. The deeply unpopular, nominally socialist government of Francois Hollande and his prime minister Manuel Valls cannot even persuade customary opponents of trade union militancy to support them.
A majority in France may feel the unions have gone too far in their disruptive tactics. But even more (71 per cent according to one poll) are against the reforms themselves, modest as they would seem to workers in neighbouring European countries or, indeed, the UAE. Among the proposed changes, business would have greater freedom to cut pay or lay off staff, reduce redundancy entitlements and modify the current 35-hour working week enjoyed by many.
Mr Hollande and Mr Valls are not the first French leaders to learn that such words as “modernisation" and “reform" mean quite different things to different people. Tumult in the streets has greeted each initiative from governments, of whatever political outlook, to stimulate the economy and create jobs. Giving employers more flexibility is ritually seen as eroding employees’ rights.
As a direct consequence of the present conflict, most people reading The National today can be thankful they are in the UAE, one of its neighbouring countries or, indeed, anywhere that is not France.
Blockades of refineries and fuel depots have closed thousands of petrol stations, causing epic queues at those still open. Public transport has been affected, ports have been barricaded and key roads and bridges are closed by protesters. Strikes have been called at nuclear power stations, the imminent Euro 2016 football tournament could be affected and mass demonstrations have turned violent. There have been disturbing attacks on property and, in the worst incident, a ferocious attack on a police car in Paris that might easily have caused loss of life.
But in spite of massive inconvenience, a real threat to the job security of those whose places of work have been brought to a standstill and the actions of a criminal fringe, the strikes have some public support.
In times of real war, as generals, writers and philosophers have noted, the winners are commonly remembered as heroes, the losers as war criminals. And when France’s latest battle of the streets is over, the participants will experience the peacetime equivalent.
It is difficult to see the government winning without making serious concessions to the strikers. This, in turn, will anger the bosses, who feel the original text has already been weakened too much.
In a Europe striving to contain support for extremist answers to pressing problems, the French unions and far left sense an opportunity to grab more influence. If their will prevails and the reforms are abandoned it could deliver the coup de grace to any lingering prospect of Mr Hollande winning next year’s presidential election. That would not turn Mr Hollande and Mr Valls into war criminals but it would make them, and their Socialist Party, casualties of a war they chose to wage.
* Reproduced from The Nation with consent. See my work there at http://www.thenational.ae/authors/colin-randall
Recent Comments